First Jewish–Roman War

First Jewish–Roman War
Part of the Jewish–Roman wars
Judaea and Galilee in the first century
Date 66–74 CE Location Judaea (Roman province) Result Roman victory Destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple Development of Rabbinic Judaism out of the Pharisaic school Significant portion of the Jewish population killed, enslaved and displaced, and many towns and villages destroyed Collapse of the Jewish elite and disappearance of the Sadducees and Essenes Creation of Roman military camps and colonies Consolidation of Flavian rule in Rome
Belligerents
Roman Empire	Judean provisional government Sadducees Pharisees Supported by: Adiabene volunteers Peasantry faction Idumeans (69–70)	Radical factions: Zealots Idumeans (68) Sicarii
Commanders and leaders
Gessius Florus (66) Cestius Gallus  (DOW) (66) Vespasian (WIA) (67–69) Titus (67–71) Lucilius Bassus (71–72) Flavius Silva (72–73) Herod Agrippa II  (WIA)	Ananus ben Ananus † Yosef ben Gurion  Joshua ben Gamla  Eleazar ben Hanania † Josephus (POW) Simon bar Giora  Judah ben Ari † Jacob ben Sosa (69–70)	Zealots: Yohanan of Gush Halav (POW) Eleazar ben Simon † Edomites: John Jacob ben Sosa (68) Simon ben Cathlas Phineas ben Clusothus Menahem ben Yehuda  Eleazar ben Ya'ir †
Strength
Roman guard 3,000 (spring 66) Syrian Legion 30–36,000 (summer 66) 5 Legions 60–80,000 (67–70) Legio X Fretensis 6,000 troops (70–73)	Judean provisional government forces: 20,000 total (66–67) 10,000 total (68) 3,000 Parashim guard 500 Adiabene warriors Peasantry: 40,000 (69) 15,000 (70) 3,000 (71) Idumeans 5,000 (69–70)	6,000 Zealots under Yohanan 2,400 Zealots under Eleazar 20,000 Idumeans (68) Sicarii: Several thousand (67) Several dozen or hundred (73)
Casualties and losses
10,000+ soldiers killed	25,000–30,000 killed	10,000–20,000 Zealots and Idumeans killed Thousands of Sicarii killed
According to Josephus, 1.1 million non-combatants died in Jerusalem and 100,000 in Galilee; 97,000 enslaved. White estimates the combined death toll for the First and Third Roman Jewish Wars as being approximately 350,000.

The First Jewish–Roman War (66–74 CE), sometimes called the Great Jewish Revolt (Hebrew: המרד הגדול, romanized: ha-Mered Ha-Gadol; Latin: Primum Bellum Iudaicum) or the Jewish War, was the first of three major rebellions by the Jews against the Roman Empire fought in the province of Judaea, resulting in the destruction of Jewish towns, the displacement of its people, and the appropriation of land for Roman military use, as well as the destruction of the Jewish Temple and polity.

Judaea, once an independent kingdom under the Hasmoneans, gradually transitioned from a vassal state to a Roman province. The revolt arose amidst oppressive Roman governance, marked by the harsh rule of successive governors, deep socioeconomic inequalities, lingering memories of national independence, and escalating religious and ethnic tensions. The immediate catalyst came in 66 CE during Nero's reign, triggered by a local disturbance in Caesarea involving the pagan sacrifice of a bird near a synagogue. This unrest was followed by the Roman governor Gessius Florus seizing funds from the Second Temple's treasury and subsequent massacres of Jerusalem's population. These actions provoked widespread rebellion in the city, culminating in the capture of the Roman garrison by rebel forces, while the pro-Roman King Agrippa II and Roman officials fled the city.

To quell the unrest, Cestius Gallus, the legate of Roman Syria, brought an army to Judaea. Despite initial advances, the Romans retreated after engaging rebels in Jerusalem and suffering a significant defeat at the Battle of Beth Horon, where a force equivalent to a legion was annihilated. In the aftermath, a provisional government was established in Jerusalem, led by former High Priest Ananus ben Ananus, Joseph ben Gurion and Joshua ben Gamla. Also appointed were commanders in several districts, including Josephus, who was sent to command Galilee and, after being defeated, surrendered to the Romans. Later, an attempt by the Sicarii to seize control of Jerusalem failed; their leader was executed, and the remaining Sicarii were expelled from the city. Simon bar Giora, a peasant leader, was also expelled by the new government. In 67 CE, Roman general Vespasian, commanding four legions, was assigned by Nero to suppress the Jewish revolt and restore Roman control. He invaded Galilee, capturing key strongholds like Yodfat, Tarichaea, and Gamla. As rebels and refugees fled to Jerusalem, tensions between the priesthood-led population and the rising Zealot factions led to bitter infighting. By the time Vespasian had pacified most of the province, leaving only Jerusalem and its immediate environs in revolt, news of Nero's suicide reached him, and he departed for Rome to claim the throne. His son Titus started the siege of Jerusalem, and after a brutal seven-month campaign, the city fell in the summer of 70 CE, the Second Temple was destroyed, and the city was razed. Titus returned to Rome, leaving Legion X Fretensis to dismantle the last pockets of Jewish resistance, culminating in the fall of Masada in 73 or 74 CE.

The war had profound and far-reaching consequences for the Jewish people. Many were killed, displaced, or sold into slavery. The loss of Jerusalem and the Temple required a significant reformulation of Jewish political and religious life. The rabbis emerged as leading figures, establishing a central authority in Yavne, which became a key turning point in the development of Rabbinic Judaism. For the Romans, the victory bolstered the newly established Flavian dynasty, who commemorated their triumph through monumental constructions and commemorative coinage. The empire also imposed the Fiscus Judaicus, a punitive tax on all Jews, and increased its military presence in the region. The Jewish–Roman wars culminated decades later in the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136 CE), another attempt to restore Jewish independence, which led to even more catastrophic consequences for the Jews of Judaea.

Background

See also: Judaea (Roman province)

Judaea, an independent kingdom under the Hasmonean dynasty, was conquered by the Roman general Pompey in 63 BCE. His intervention was presented as a means of resolving a civil war between the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobolus, both competing for the royal throne. During his conquest of Jerusalem, Pompey entered the Holy of Holies—an act of desecration, as only the High Priest was permitted entry. The Jewish monarchy was abolished, and Hyrcanus was recognized only as High Priest. In 40 BCE, Antigonus II Mattathias, Aristobolus's son, briefly regained the throne with Parthian support, but was deposed by Herod in 37 BCE. Herod, appointed "King of the Jews" by the Roman Senate, governed Judaea as a client king of Rome until his death in 4 BCE. After his death, his kingdom was divided among his sons, with Archelaus serving as ethnarch of Judea (including Jerusalem), Samaria, and Idumaea, and Herod Antipas governing Galilee and Perea. Archelaus's misrule led to his deposition within a decade in 6 CE, and Judaea was subsequently annexed as a Roman province under the name Iudaea.

In the six decades passing from the establishment of the province to the revolt, the relationship between the Jewish population and the Roman authorities was marked by numerous crises. Many disputes stemmed from perceived religious offenses by the Roman authorities. With the onset of direct Roman rule in 6 BCE, the official census instituted by Quirinius, the Roman governor of Syria, triggered an uprising led by Judas of Galilee. Judas was a leader of what Josephus refers to as the "fourth philosophy," a movement that rejected Roman rule and affirmed the sole kingship of God. During this time, there was an increasing desire among the Jewish population for independence and rebellion, likely influenced by messianic hopes and memories of the successful Maccabean revolt against the Seleucids, which inspired the belief that a similar victory against the Romans might be possible. Under Pilate's administration (c. 26–36 CE), incidents such as the introduction of military standards into Jerusalem, the diversion of Temple funds for an aqueduct, and a soldier's indecent exposure near the Temple provoked unrest and bloodshed. These conflicts often escalated during pilgrim festivals when the city was crowded with worshippers.

Under Caligula's reign (37–41 CE), Roman policy in Judaea underwent a significant, albeit brief, disruption. Caligula's insistence on the imperial cult intensified anti-Jewish sentiment, culminating in violent outbreaks in Alexandria in 38 CE. Tensions escalated further following a dispute at Jamnia, where the Jewish community dismantled an altar to the emperor erected by non-Jewish residents. This led to a crisis in 40 CE when Caligula ordered a statue of himself to be placed in the Jerusalem Temple, a demand that clashed with Jewish religious beliefs and provoked widespread outrage. A Jewish delegation from Alexandria, who had initially come to Rome for a separate matter, redirected their efforts to persuade the emperor to abandon his plan. Only Caligula's death prevented an open conflict, but the episode deepened Jewish resentment toward Roman rule.

Between 41 and 44 CE, Herod Agrippa, with the support of Emperor Claudius, successfully unified the territories once ruled by his grandfather, Herod the Great. This period saw a brief restoration of Jewish self-governance, with Agrippa acting as a client king. Following his death in 44 CE, however, Judaea reverted to direct Roman rule under procurators, with its administrative territory expanded to encompass Judea, Samaria, Idumaea, Galilee and Perea.

The second provincial era, which began with relatively stable rule under the first Roman procurators, soon saw a significant deterioration in the situation. Around 48 CE, the Roman authorities executed Jacob and Simon, the sons of Judas of Galilee. In the following years, violent clashes took place between Jews and Samaritans. By the early 50s CE, violence had infiltrated Jerusalem itself. The sicarii, a group of radical Jewish assassins, exploited the dense pilgrim crowds during religious festivals to carry out targeted killings and intimidate the urban population. They also targeted affluent landowners in rural areas, destroying their property, likely as a means of sending a message to discourage cooperation with the Romans. Religious fanaticism gained traction among the masses during this period, leading to the rise of numerous prophetic figures. One notable incident involved "the Egyptian," a prophet who gathered a large following with plans to march on Jerusalem, but was dispersed by procurator Antonius Felix.

By the time Gessius Florus assumed office as procurator in 64 CE, the situation in Judaea had already deteriorated significantly. A native of Asia Minor, Florus secured the position through his wife, a friend of Nero's murdered wife. Tacitus regarded him as a poor choice for the role, while Josephus portrays him as a ruthless official who plundered the region and inflicted harsh punishments. His connections to the imperial family afforded him considerable freedom in his governance. During Passover, likely the year after Florus's appointment, Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, visited Jerusalem, perhaps to address complaints against Florus, but he took no action to change the procurator's policies.

Outbreak of the rebellion

Further information: Jerusalem riots of 66

In the spring of 66 CE, ethnic violence broke out in Caesarea. Local Jews attempted to buy the land next to their synagogue from its Greek owner. Despite an offer far exceeding the land's value, the owner refused and instead built workshops on the site, obstructing access to the synagogue. When young Jews attempted to stop the construction, Florus intervened on behalf of the Greek. Prominent Jews then offered Florus eight talents to halt the work, which he accepted before traveling to Sebaste, allowing construction to proceed anyway. The following day, on Shabbat, a local performed bird sacrifices in front of the synagogue, provoking violence between the communities. Local cavalry tried to intervene but was unsuccessful, and Jews who went to Florus in Sebaste to complain about the incident were arrested.

Ruins at Caesarea, site of the 66 CE ethnic riots ignited by a Greek's sacrifice of birds in front of a Jewish synagogue

Shortly after, further violence broke out in Jerusalem when Florus withdrew 17 talents from the Temple treasury under the pretext of "imperial needs." This provoked protests and ridicule from the crowd, with some mocking Florus by passing around a basket to collect alms for him. When Jewish leaders refused to surrender those who had mocked him, Florus ordered his troops to sack the Upper Agora, where they whipped, crucified, and killed over 3,600 people, including wealthy Jews who were Roman citizens belonging of the equestrian order. A second massacre occurred when Jews from the city went out to greet two cavalry squadrons approaching from Caesarea. The soldiers pursued the panicked residents back into Jerusalem, killing many as they tried to reach the Antonia Fortress. Florus, attempting to reach the fortress himself, was blocked by the angry population, who also severed access between the Temple and the Antonia. Eventually, Florus fled the city, leaving behind a cohort of 500 to 1,000 soldiers.

Scale model reconstruction of the Temple Mount during the first century CE, part of the Holyland Model of Jerusalem, with the Second Temple in the center and the Antonia Fortress to the upper right

King Agrippa II, the Jewish vassal king of Chalcis, hurried from Alexandria to pacify the people during a gathering in Jerusalem, initially appearing successful in convincing them of the folly of waging war against Rome.

But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans?

Following his speech, Agrippa and his sister Berenice wept, and the crowd declared they were not at war with Rome but with Florus. Agrippa warned that refusing to pay tribute and dismantling the porticoes connecting the Antonia Fortress to the Temple constituted rebellion, urging their restoration and payment of taxes to avoid further accusations. Convinced, the people began the reconstruction, and officials collected the 40 talents owed. However, when he tried to convince them to comply with Florus until a new Roman governor could be appointed, he was forced to leave the city in disgrace, amid insults and stones being thrown at him.

At this point, Eleazar ben Hanania, one of the Temple clerks, persuaded the priests to cease accepting gifts or sacrifices from foreigners. This act ended the practice of offering sacrifices on behalf of Rome and its emperor, a practice in place since the time of Augustus. According to Josephus, this event stopped the sacrifices marked the foundation of the war against Rome. While some historians view this act as a declaration of war on Rome, others argue it was neither directed at Rome nor intended as a declaration of war. Around this time, rebels in the south launched a surprise attack on the fortress at Masada, killing the Roman guards and establishing their own garrison there.

Subsequently, the leaders of Jerusalem, along with the high priests and heads of the Pharisees, attempted to dissuade the populace from engaging in rebellion with Rome, but their efforts were unsuccessful. They then sought to quell the uprising by requesting Florus and Agrippa to dispatch troops to Jerusalem. In response, Agrippa II dispatched 2000 cavalry to Jerusalem recruited from Auranitis, Batanaea, and Trachonitis. These forces, along with the moderates, controlled the Upper City, while the Lower City and the Temple Mount fell under rebel control. After a few days of fighting, the rebels captured the Upper City, forcing the moderates to take refuge in Herod's Palace, while others fled or hid. According to fourth-century church fathers Eusebius and Epiphanius of Salamis, Jerusalem's Christians fled to Pella before the war. Guy Rogers writes that the followers of Jesus may have been too insignificant to be targeted during the infighting in the city.

The rebels then set fire to the house of former high priest Ananias, the palaces of Agrippa and Berenice, and the public archives, where debt records were kept. By destroying the archives, the rebels aimed to gain the support of Jerusalem's poor and debtors. Shortly afterward, they captured Herod's Palace and agreed to a ceasefire with the moderates and Agrippa's forces but refused any compromise with the Roman soldiers. The Romans retreated to the towers of Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamne, just north of Herod's Palace. Later, when the besieged Roman soldiers surrendered their weapons in exchange for safe passage, the rebels massacred them, sparing only their commander Metilius, who pledged to convert to Judaism and undergo circumcision.

As events in Jerusalem escalated, ethnic violence spread across Judaea, Syria, and neighboring regions. On the same day as the garrison massacre, according to Josephus, the non-Jews of Caesarea conducted an ethnic cleansing of the local Jewish population, killing approximately 20,000. The remaining survivors were arrested by Florus. News of the massacre sparked further ethnic violence, leading Jewish groups to attack neighboring villages and cities, particularly those in the Decapolis, such as Philadelphia, Heshbon, Gerasa, Pella, and Scythopolis. Archaeological evidence from Gerasa and Gadara confirms the destruction of public buildings during this period. These cities were likely targeted due to their Greek or Macedonian origins and cultural influence, though some had Jewish residents as a result of the conquests of Alexander Jannaeus in the first century BCE.

Violence also broke out in Alexandria, Egypt, where clashes erupted after Greeks attacked Jews gathered in an amphitheater, capturing some alive and prompting retaliation from other Jews in the city. When peaceful efforts by the governor of Egypt, Tiberius Julius Alexander—a Jew estranged from his heritage—failed, he deployed military forces against the Jews, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths.

Gallus' campaign

Further information: Battle of Beth Horon (66)

At this stage of the events, Cestius Gallus, the Roman legate of Syria, decided to march to Judaea. He led a military force from Antioch, including Legio XII Fulminata, 2,000 men from each of the other three legions stationed in Syria, six infantry cohorts, and four cavalry units. He was also accompanied by a considerable number of royal troops, totaling between two and three legions, which included 2,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry archers from Antiochus IV of Commagene, a similar number of foot soldiers and fewer cavalry from Agrippa II, and 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry from Sohaemus of Emesa. Gallus further bolstered his ranks with irregular forces from various cities, such as Berytus, where the troops, motivated by hostility toward the Jews, made up for their lack of formal training.

After establishing a base in Akko-Ptolemais, Cestius Gallus launched a campaign against Jewish villages in Galilee, burning the city of Chabulon along with other nearby settlements, before marching to Caesarea. His forces captured Jaffa, Jerusalem's port, massacring its inhabitants and setting the city ablaze. He also sent a cavalry force to ravage the toparchy of Narbata, near Caesarea. In Galilee, the Romans were warmly received by the residents of Sepphoris, who opposed the revolt. From there, Gallus proceeded toward Jerusalem, passing through Antipatris and Lydda and leaving devastation in their wake. Lydda, largely deserted as most of its residents were in Jerusalem for the festival of Sukkot, was destroyed, and those who remained were killed. Continuing his march through Bethoron and Gabaon, Gallus's army was ambushed by Jewish forces, suffering significant losses. Among the Jewish fighters, Monobazus and Candaios—relatives of the king of Adiabene—as well as Niger the Perean and Simon bar Giora. Agrippa II made a final attempt to negotiate peace with the rebels, but his efforts failed. Gallus advanced to Jerusalem and encamped on Mount Scopus, a strategic position providing a clear view of the city center.

In late Tishrei, Gallus advanced into Jerusalem, causing the rebels to retreat into the inner city and the Temple. Upon entering, Gallus set fire to the Bezetha district and the Timber Market, intending to intimidate the population. He then set camp in the Upper City. Despite Josephus' suggestion that Gallus could have captured Jerusalem with greater resolve, he ultimately chose to retreat after some initial engagements.

Gallus's withdrawal from Jerusalem towards the coastal plain turned into a rout, with the loss of 5,300 infantry—equivalent to a full legion—and 480 cavalry—equivalent to a whole cavalry ala. This culminated in a decisive engagement at Bethoron, where the Roman army was struck by an ambush, at the same route where the Maccabees had defeated a Seleucid army two centuries earlier. Suetonius notes, possibly mistakenly, that the Romans also lost their legionary eagle. The rebels pursued the Romans to Antipatris, forcing them to abandon their baggage and heavy weaponry, including artillery and battering rams, which, along with other spoils of war, were plundered by the rebels.

The Bethoron area, viewed from Modi'in. In Autumn 66, Jewish rebels ambushed a retreating Roman army under Gallus on this road, annihilating a force equivalent to a full legion.

Scholars have compared this Roman failure to the disastrous Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 CE, though the latter was much larger in scale, resulting in three times the losses. Fergus Millar writes that Gallus' defeat is particularly significant as a rare instance where Roman regular forces suffered such a loss the population of an existing province. The unexpected victory shifted the momentum toward the pro-revolt factions. The rebels grew more confident, while moderates and previously undecided individuals were swept up in enthusiasm. Although some elites fled to join the Romans, many remained in the city, aligning themselves with the triumph. Around the same time, a pogrom unfolded in Damascus, where the city's men, fearing betrayal from wives who had converted to Judaism, secretly planned an attack on the Jewish population. They confined the Jews to a gymnasium and then, according to Josephus, killed thousands within hours.

Judean provisional government

Main article: Judean provisional government (66–68)

Following Gallus's defeat, a popular assembly, possibly functioning alongside the Sanhedrin, convened at the Temple, establishing a provisional government in Jerusalem. Ananus ben Ananus (Hanan ben Hanan), a former High Priest, was appointed as one of the government heads and began fortifying the city alongside Joseph ben Gurion. Joshua ben Gamla assumed a prominent leadership role. Josephus, then known as Yosef ben Mattityahu, was appointed commander of Galilee and Gaulanitis, while Yosef ben Shimon was assigned to Jericho. Yohanan the Issene became commander over Jaffa, Lydda, Emmaus, and the Thamna region in western Judea. Eliezer ben Hananiya and Joshua ben Zafia jointly commanded Idumaea, with Niger the Perean, a hero of the Gallus campaign, under their command. Menasseh oversaw Perea, and Yohanan ben Hananiya was tasked with Gophna and Acrabetta, in northern Judea. An attempt by Menahem ben Yehuda, leader of the sicarii, to take control of Jerusalem failed. He was executed, and the remaining sicarii were ejected from the city to their stronghold Masada, previously taken from a Roman garrison.

John of Gischala, initially opposed to the war according to Josephus, later became a bold and skilled leader who clashed with Josephus, though his efforts to remove him failed. In the meanwhile, Simon Bar Giora waged a personal campaign against the wealthy in the northern parts of Judea. Jerusalem's leaders later expelled him from the toparchy of Acrabetene, forcing him to flee to Masada. By late 66, his faction took refuge in Masada and stayed there until the winter of 67–68. Initially distrusted by the rebels at the fortress and restricted to the lower part of its plateau, Simon eventually earned their trust and joined in their raids on nearby villages.

The Jerusalem temple priesthood minted coins with Hebrew inscriptions in the Paleo-Hebrew script, featuring phrases such as "Jerusalem the Holy" and "For the Freedom of Zion." These coins were dated using a new calendar marking the years of the revolt (years one to five), symbolizing independence from Rome. Their designation as shekels, with denominations like "shekel of Israel", "half-shekel" or "quarter-shekel," invoked ancient Jewish sovereignty by reviving the biblical-era weight system. The use of Hebrew on these coins and in documents, similarly seen in the later Bar Kokhba revolt, represented an ideological choice, symbolizing Jewish nationalism and statehood.

Vespasian's Galilee campaign

Main articles: Galilee campaign (67), Siege of Yodfat, and Siege of Gamla

After Gallus' defeat, Emperor Nero assigned the command of the war to Vespasian, a former consul and a seasoned and experienced commander. The 57-year-old general traveled overland from Corinth to Syria. His army included three full legions: the V Macedonica and X Fretensis, both of which had fought in Armenia, with the latter being stationed in Syria. The XV Apollinaris, which had also participated in the Armenian campaign, was marched from its station in Alexandria to Ptolemais by Vespasian's 27-year-old son, Titus. The Roman forces were bolstered by 23 auxiliary cohortes and six alae of cavalry, likely drawn from Syria. In addition to these, troops were supplied by local rulers: Antiochus IV of Commagene, Agrippa II, and Sohaemus of Emesa each contributed 2,000 infantry archers and 1,000 cavalry, while Malchus II of Nabatea sent 1,000 cavalry and as many as 5,000 infantry.

Vespasian established his initial base of operations in Akko-Ptolemais, arriving there in the early summer of 67 CE. From this location, the Romans launched their offensive against rebels in Galilee, where a significant Jewish population resided, largely in villages that were easily fortified. The people of Sepphoris–the second-largest Jewish city after Jerusalem–surrendered to the Romans by meeting Vespasian in Ptolemais and formally pledging their loyalty to Rome. While Josephus claims that he gathered an army of 100,000 men, this figure is clearly an exaggeration. Nevertheless, the Romans faced a substantial challenge in the region.

Gabara was captured by the Romans in the first assault, with all males killed due to animosity towards the Jews and the memory of Gallus' defeat. The city and surrounding villages were set on fire, and survivors were enslaved. The Romans then moved to attack Yodfat (Yodefat/Iotapata), a town with an estimated population of 7,000 on the eve of the siege. Around the same time, Vespasian's son Titus led a force to destroy the nearby town of Iaphia, where all male inhabitants, excluding infants, were reportedly slain, and the infants and women were sold into slavery. Cerialis, who commanded Legio V Macedonica, was dispatched to fight a large group of Samaritans who had gathered atop Mount Gerizim, the site of their ruined temple, killing many.

Yodfat, in Galilee, fell to Vespasian after a 47-day-long siege in summer 67. Josephus, the revolt's key source, commanded the defense, switching sides after the city fell.

The town of Yodfat fell after a 47-day siege, which Josephus, who led its defense, documented in great detail. When the Romans captured the city, they massacred all those who revealed themselves and hunted down the rest in hiding; Josephus estimates 40,000 died, though modern estimates suggest around 2,000 were killed, with 1,200 women and infants captured. Excavations at Yodfat uncovered a cistern containing the remains of approximately twenty people, including men, women, and children, some of whom showed evidence of violent deaths. This finding, alongside scattered remains across the site, suggests that after the Roman destruction, survivors or returning Jews gathered unburied bones and interred them in cisterns and caves. Additionally, dozens of arrowheads and ballista stones were discovered at the site.

Josephus records that following the fall of Yodfat, he and 40 others took refuge in a deep pit. When discovered, they resolved to commit suicide by drawing lots. After being left among the final two survivors, Josephus chose to surrender to the Romans rather than take his own life. Soon after, upon meeting Vespasian, Josephus prophesied the general's rise to emperor, which led Vespasian to spare his life rather than sending him to Nero.

After the fall of Yodfat, Tiberias surrendered to the Romans without resistance. The city's population, which had been divided into pro-revolt and pro-Roman factions, saw the pro-Roman faction prevail as the Roman army approached. By contrast, Taricheae, a port town north of Tiberias, mounted a fierce defense but was eventually subdued. According to Josephus, the native inhabitants of Tarichae did not initially want to fight, but the influx of outsiders to the city became more determined to resist following a decisive defeat outside the walls. After its fall, surviving rebels took to the Sea of Galilee, engaging the Romans in naval skirmishes that resulted in heavy losses for the Jews. Josephus reports that 6,700 were killed in Taricheae, leaving the lake stained red with blood and floating bodies. Afterward, Vespasian separated the local prisoners from the "foreigners" blamed for instigating the revolt; the latter were forced to travel along a guarded route to Tiberias, where, in the city's stadium, 1,200 were executed. Six thousand young men were reportedly sent to work on the Corinth Canal in Greece, some were given as a gift to Agrippa II, and 30,400 were sold into slavery.

Gamla, a strategic site in the Golan, fell to Roman forces in 67 CE. The image shows the main breach in the town's wall

Roman-era ballista (reconstructed at Gamla)

The Roman campaign then shifted to Gamla, a fortified city on a steep rocky promontory in the southern Golan. Part of Agrippa II's realm, the city was initially loyal to Rome, but later switched allegiance and minted its own revolt coins. Josephus, who claimed to have walled the city, had in reality only hastily sealed gaps between existing structures along the city's perimeter. Now a prisoner of war rather than a commander, he accompanied the Romans and documented the siege firsthand. Archaeological finds at the site include various pieces of Roman armor, around 100 catapult bolts, roughly 1,600 arrowheads, and close to 2,000 ballista stones. Gamla's synagogue was seemingly repurposed during the war into a refuge for displaced individuals, as indicated by the presence of fireplaces, cookpots, and storage jars near its northern wall. These objects were found buried beneath Roman ballista stones. Despite heavy Roman casualties, the city was eventually captured in October 67 after a siege, and was never resettled. According to Josephus, only two women survived the onslaught, with the rest either throwing themselves into ravines or being killed by the Romans.

The Romans also captured the fortress on Mount Tabor. In Gush Halav, rebel leader John of Gischala attempted to negotiate a surrender but instead fled with his followers during a brief Shabbat respite granted by Titus. When Titus returned, the city surrendered to the Romans.

By 68, Jewish resistance in the north had been crushed, and Vespasian made Caesarea Maritima his headquarters and methodically proceeded to cleanse the coastline of the country, avoiding direct confrontation with the rebels at Jerusalem. Based on questionable numbers from Josephus, it has been estimated that the Roman vanquishing of Galilee resulted in 100,000 Jews killed or sold into slavery.

Civil war in Jerusalem

Main article: Zealot Temple Siege

While the Romans advanced their campaign, Jerusalem descended into a state of turmoil and violence. Opposing the moderate government were the Zealots, who continued the earlier movement initiated by Eleazar ben Hananiah, the priest who had ceased sacrifices on behalf of the emperor. Although Eleazar’s fate remains uncertain, leadership among the Zealots now featured figures like Eleazar ben Simon, alongside others. The Zealots sought to overthrow the moderate government and found an ally in John of Gischala, who arrived from Galilee with his followers, likely in Autumn 67 CE. The Zealots arrested prominent city figures on charges of conspiring with the Romans and subsequently executed them. They also took control of the Temple, abolishing the traditional practice of selecting high priests from aristocratic priestly families. Instead, a new high priest, Phannias ben Samuel, was chosen by lot. According to Josephus, Phannias lacked both a high priestly lineage and knowledge of the position. These actions suggest that the rebels aimed not only to overthrow Roman rule but also to enact a revolutionary transformation of the Jewish polity's social and economic structures.

Ananus ben Ananus, leader of the moderates, sought to suppress the Zealots. In a public assembly, he denounced the populace for tolerating earlier atrocities and accused the Zealots of enslaving the city and desecrating the Temple. His speech rallied the people, who urged him to lead them. As he organized a force, the Zealots, learning of the preparations, launched a counterattack. The moderates' superior numbers eventually forced the Zealots to retreat into the Temple's inner sanctuary, where they fortified themselves.

John of Gischala told the Zealots that Ananus had persuaded the people to surrender the city to Vespasian, and advised them to seek external support. In response, the Zealots called upon the Idumeans, a people to the south of Judea who had converted to Judaism after being conquered by the Hasmoneans. The Idumeans quickly arrived and, with the Zealots' assistance, who opened the gates under the cover of a storm, entered Jerusalem in early 68. The Zealots and Idumaeans launched a brutal assault on the city's defenders, with many being killed in their sleep or overwhelmed by the superior numbers of the attackers. The Idumaeans, showing no mercy, slaughtered both defenders and supplicants, while Ananus ben Ananus and Joshua ben Gamla were captured, killed, and dishonored, their bodies left unburied in violation of Jewish custom. Niger of Perea, a prominent rebel commander, and Joseph Ben Gurion, a moderate leader, were also murdered. The Zealots established special tribunals to prosecute those accused of treason. Most of the Idumaeans eventually chose to leave Jerusalem.

The wealthy Jewish village of Ein Gedi, located near the Dead Sea, was pillaged and ravaged by sicarii from Masada

During the Passover feast, the sicarii descended from Masada, raiding the wealthy village of Ein Gedi on the southwestern shore of the Dead Sea. They killed 700 women and children, looted homes, and seized crops before returning to the fortress. Similar raids on nearby villages devastated the region, attracting new recruits to their cause.

Vespasian's campaign in Judea

In January 68, the leaders of Gadara in Perea sent an embassy to Vespasian offering to surrender the city. As Vespasian advanced, those opposed to capitulation killed a prominent citizen they blamed for the surrender, then fled, while the remaining citizens dismantled the city walls, allowing the Romans to enter and establish a garrison. Vespasian then returned to Caesarea. Meanwhile, the fugitives attempted to rally support in nearby Bethennabris, but were defeated by Roman forces. The survivors, seeking refuge in Jericho, were massacred near the Jordan River, where over 15,000 were reportedly killed, and many drowned or were captured.

In the spring of 68, Vespasian launched a methodical campaign to pacify towns and villages leading to Jerusalem. He chose to delay the siege of the city, allowing the Jewish factions within to weaken each other further while awaiting the spring harvest to gather necessary supplies. After capturing Antipatris, Vespasian and his army advanced, burning and destroying nearby towns. They reduced the district of Thamna and then moved on to Lydda and Iamnia, which were settled by surrendered populations. Vespasian then marched to Emmaus, where he established a camp and stationed the Fifth Legion by April 68. From there, he advanced to Bethleptepha, burning the area and parts of Idumaea, before capturing Betabris and Caphartoba, reportedly killing over 10,000 people and taking 1,000 prisoners. Vespasian then returned to Emmaus, passed through Mabartha in Samaria (later Flavia Neapolis), and camped at Corea in May–June 68. Afterward, he advanced to Jericho, where he was met by the Roman force that took Peraea. The survivors of the Peraean campaign had initially fled to Jericho but deserted when the Romans approached, leaving the city empty. A Roman garrison was established in Jericho and at Adida, east of Lydda.

Vespasian visited the Dead Sea, where he conducted an experiment to test the buoyancy of its salt waters by throwing individuals who could not swim into the lake with their hands tied behind their backs. It is believed that around this time the Essene community in Qumran was destroyed. Following this, Lucius Annius was sent to Gerasa (likely a textual error for Gezer), where after capturing the city, he executed many young men, enslaved women and children, plundered and burned the homes, and destroyed surrounding villages, slaughtering those who could not escape.

Outside Jerusalem, Simon bar Giora gained strength, extending his influence over Judea and Idumaea. He plundered the wealthy and freed slaves, promising gifts to his followers. His raids in northern Judea led him to turn his forces southward, where he defeated a Zealot army. He then fought a bloody draw with an Idumaean force. Simon then withdrew to Nain, preparing for an invasion of Idumaea. He encamped in Teqoa and made a failed attempt to capture Herodium. At their camp in Alurus, the Idumaeans sent an officer to assess Simon’s army, but he betrayed them by exaggerating Simon's strength and convincing them to surrender without a fight. When Simon approached, the Idumaean forces scattered before any battle took place. Simon's later successes in Idumaea, including the conquest of Hebron, instilled fear in the Zealots, who ambushed him. When they captured Simon's wife, he responded with torturing people, threatening to destroy Jerusalem’s walls unless she was returned. The Zealots complied, and Simon, having secured his wife, took a brief respite from his campaigns.

Nero's death, Simon enters Jerusalem, and hiatus

Further information: Year of the Four Emperors

Coins from the Year of the Four Emperors. Following Nero's death in June 68, a delay of about a year occurred, during which Vespasian left Judaea to contest the imperial throne

While the war in Judea was in progress, great events were occurring in Rome. In the middle of 68, Nero's increasingly erratic behavior finally lost him all support for his position. The Roman Senate, the Praetorian Guard, and several prominent army commanders conspired for his removal. When the Senate declared Nero an enemy of the people, he fled Rome and committed suicide with the help of a secretary on June 9. The newly installed emperor Galba was murdered after just a few months by his rival Otho, triggering a civil war that came to be known as the Year of the Four Emperors.

A coin issued by the rebels in 68, note Paleo-Hebrew alphabet. Obverse: "Shekel, Israel. Year 3." Reverse: "Jerusalem the Holy"

In April 69, John of Giscala's rivals opened Jerusalem's gates to Simon ben Giora. By this time, the Zealots from Galilee had plundered the homes of the wealthy, murdered men, and raped women. Following these actions, they reportedly began to adopt the attire and behaviors of women, imitating both their ornaments and their desires, as Josephus notes, engaging in what he describes as "unlawful pleasures". Those attempting to flee the city from the Zealots were killed by Simon and his followers outside the walls. Upon entering Jerusalem, Simon gained control of significant portions of the city but failed to dislodge John, who retained control over the Temple Mount and its environs. According to Josephus, the city was engulfed in a three-way civil war, with each faction inflicting harm on the others. Tacitus corroborates this account, noting that the city was divided among three generals and three armies.

In late June 69, Vespasian moved southeast to pacify the toparchies of Gophna and Acrabetta, before capturing the cities of Bethel and Ephraim, installing Roman garrisons. He then approached Jerusalem's walls, killing many and capturing others, marking his closest approach to the city. Meanwhile, Cerialis led a scorched-earth campaign in northern Idumaea, burning Caphethra, capturing Capharabis, and retaking Hebron, where the Romans slaughtered its inhabitants and destroyed the city.

On July 1, 69 CE, Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, first in Egypt, then by the legions in the Levant, and eventually throughout the East. Josephus, who had predicted Vespasian's rise to power, was freed from his chains. Military operations in Judaea paused as Vespasian traveled to Alexandria and later to Rome to secure his position. Command of the war was handed by a council at Berytus to Vespasian's son Titus. Vespasian was officially recognized as emperor in the winter of 69/70.

Siege of Jerusalem

Prelude

By the winter of 69/70, Titus had returned from Alexandria and established Caesarea as his main base. Titus' forces included the legions previously commanded by Vespasian—V Macedonica, X Fretensis, and XV Apollinaris—along with the XII Fulminata, which had suffered defeat in 66 CE. Additional support came from detachments of III Cyrenaica and XXII Deiotariana legions from Egypt, twenty infantry cohortes, eight cavalry alae, Syrian irregulars, and auxiliaries from allied vassal kings. According to Tacitus, "a strong force of Arabs," driven by longstanding enmity toward the Jews, also joined the campaign. This combined force, estimated at a minimum of 48,200 soldiers, was significantly larger than the one deployed for the Roman invasion of Britain in 43 CE.

Sextus Vettulenus Cerialis led Legio V Macedonica southward toward Jerusalem via Emmaus, while A. Larcius Lepidus Sulpicianus approached from the west through Jericho with Legio X Fretensis. Titus's main force advanced through Samaria to Gophna, 13 miles (21 km) north of Jerusalem. After resting at Gophna, Titus's force camped in the "Valley of Thorns" near Gibeah, three miles from Jerusalem.

On the eve of the siege, Jerusalem spanned approximately 170 hectares (420 acres) and, according to one estimate, had a population of around 80,000. Tacitus writes that those who were besieged in Jerusalem amounted to no fewer than 600,000, that men and women alike and every age engaged in armed resistance, that everyone who could pick up a weapon did, and that both sexes showed equal determination, preferring death to a life that involved expulsion from their country. Josephus puts the number of the besieged at nearly 1 million. Many pilgrims from the Jewish diaspora who, undeterred by the war, had trekked to Jerusalem to be present at the Temple during Passover became trapped in Jerusalem during the siege.

At the same time, infighting continued in Jerusalem. During this period, John of Giscala and the Zealots controlled the Temple Mount. Eleazar ben Simon, seceded from John's faction, fortified themselves in the Temple's inner court, controlling its first fruits. John attacked from below, while Simon Bar Giora's forces, holding the Upper and Lower City, assaulted John's position. Both sides resorted to artillery, inflicting heavy casualties, including priests and worshippers. a stockpiled supply of dry food was intentionally burned by the Zealots to induce the defenders to fight against the siege, instead of negotiating peace; as a result many city dwellers and soldiers died of starvation during the siege.

Early skirmishes

Titus led a risky reconnaissance mission with 600 cavalrymen to assess Jerusalem's northern defenses, during which he narrowly escaped an ambush by rebel forces after being cut off from his main group. Soon after, Titus advanced to Mount Scopus, northeast of Jerusalem, where he established camps for Legions XII, XV and V. Legion X set up on the Mount of Olives, and while constructing their encampment, some unarmed, they were unexpectedly attacked by Jewish rebels. Only Titus's personal intervention saved the situation, and the Romans managed to repel the attackers. Before attacking the Third Wall, Titus offered peace terms, but the offer was rejected. Mirroring the strategies of Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar II, Pompey, and Herod, Titus set his sights on the north-northeast for his assault.

During a pause in the fighting between Romans and Jews on the Mount of Olives, on the first night of Passover, John's forces infiltrated the temple's inner courtyards, subduing the Zealots and bringing them under his control. The two rebel leaders, John of Gischala and Simon Bar Giora, only ceased hostilities and joined forces to defend the city when the As the Romans began using battering rams on the walls. Simon allowed John and Eleazar's followers to join his forces, where they attacked Roman machines and artillery. John accepted Simon's leadership, dividing the city into zones of influence: Simon dominated the upper and most of the lower city, while John oversaw the Temple Mount and the Antonia Fortress.

Siege

The rebels made desperate attempts to burn the Romans' siege engines but were unsuccessful. After fifteen days, the Roman battering ram broke through the wall, and the Jews retreated into the second wall. The new neighborhood of Bezetha fell to the Romans in Iyar 70.

The destruction of the temple of Jerusalem, painting by Francesco Hayez, 1867

On the eighth day of the month of Av, Roman forces breached the Temple's outer court. Josephus writes that Titus, after deliberating with his officers, resolved to preserve the Temple. However, a Roman soldier hurled a burning piece of wood into the northern chamber, igniting a fire that ultimately consumed the entire Temple structure. According to Josephus, Titus tried to stop the Temple's burning, but modern scholars generally treat this explanation with skepticism. Nevertheless, Goodman has argued that Josephus's account could be plausible, especially considering the difficulty of containing a fire in the intense heat of Jerusalem during the summer. Josephus describes how some priests, overwhelmed by grief and despair at the sight of the Temple engulfed in flames, leapt into the fire. Cassius Dio recounts that as the temple burned and defeat became inevitable, many Jews chose suicide, viewing it as a form of victory and salvation to die alongside the temple. The Romans subsequently burned the remaining porticoes and gates, and secured their victory by placing their standards near the eastern gate.

The treasures of Jerusalem taken by the Romans (detail from the Arch of Titus).

All three walls of Jerusalem were eventually destroyed as well as the Temple and the citadels; the city was burned, with most survivors taken into slavery; some of those overturned stones and their place of impact can still be seen. John of Giscala surrendered at Agrippa II's fortress of Jotapata while Simon Bar Giora surrendered at the site where the Temple once stood. The Temple treasures, including the Menorah and the Table of the Bread of God's Presence, which had previously only ever been seen by the High Priest of the Temple, were paraded through the streets of Rome during Titus' triumphal procession, along with some 700 Judean prisoners who were paraded in chains, among them John of Giscala and Simon Bar Giora. John of Giscala was sentenced to life imprisonment while Simon Bar Giora was executed. The triumph was commemorated with the Arch of Titus, which depicts the Temple's treasures being paraded. With the fall of Jerusalem, some insurrection still continued in isolated locations in Judea, lasting as long as 73.

Last strongholds

Main article: Siege of Masada

In the spring of 71 CE, Titus departed for Rome, leaving three rebel strongholds still under Jewish control: Herodium and Masada in the Judaean Desert, and Machaerus in Perea. Sextus Lucilius Bassus, the newly appointed legate of Judaea, was tasked with capturing these final centers of resistance. Bassus first seized Herodium before crossing the Jordan to capture Machaerus, a heavily fortified hilltop fortress near the Dead Sea. The fort surrendered following a Roman siege marked by the construction of a circumvallation wall, small siege camps, and an incomplete assault ramp, traces of which still exist. Bassus then pursued approximately 3,000 rebels led by Judah ben Ari in the forest of Jardus, near the Dead Sea, and swiftly defeated them. However, Bassus fell ill and died before completing his campaign.

Masada, a fortress located near the Dead Sea, marked the final stand of the revolt, falling to Lucius Flavius Silva after a siege in 73 or 74 CE

Remnants of one of several legionary camps at Masada, just outside the circumvallation wall at the bottom of the image

Lucius Flavius Silva succeeded him and directed the siege of Masada in 72–73 or 73–74 CE, deploying Legio X Fretensis, auxiliary forces, and thousands of Jewish prisoners—totaling about 10,000 troops. After the defenders refused to surrender, Silva established siege camps and a circumvallation wall around the fortress, along with an siege ramp, features that remain among the best-preserved examples of Roman siegecraft visible today. The siege lasted between two and six months during the winter season. This Roman effort, deploying vast resources and engineering ingenuity to eliminate a small pocket of resistance in an isolated desert fortress of no strategic importance, may have been intended to send a message to those considering rebellion: the Romans would relentlessly pursue and crush rebels, even at great cost, to eradicate any trace of resistance. According to Josephus, when the Romans breached the walls, they found that 960 of the 967 defenders had committed mass suicide. Masada remained garrisoned by Roman troops until the early 2nd century CE, leaving behind archaeological evidence, including documents.

Impact on the Jewish people

Destruction and displacement in Judaea

The Roman suppression of the revolt had a significant demographic impact on the Jews of Judaea, as many perished in battle and from siege conditions, and multiple cities, towns and villages were destroyed. The destruction was not uniform across the country; certain areas suffered more extensive devastation than others. The Jewish population in several mixed cities was eliminated. In Galilee, according to Josephus, two of the four largest cities, Tarichaea (probably Magdala) and Gabara, were destroyed, while Sepphoris and Tiberias reconciled with the Romans and experienced minimal harm. The scope of destruction also varied in Transjordan and in central Judaea. Among all the regions, Judea proper experienced the most severe destruction, yet some cities, like Lod, Yavne, and their surroundings, remained relatively undamaged. The most severe devastation was concentrated in the Judaean Mountains, culminating in the complete destruction of Jerusalem, resulting in an estimated loss of more than 90% of its population.

Roman denarius depicting Titus, c. 79. The reverse commemorates his triumph in the Jewish war, representing a Jewish captive kneeling in front of a trophy of arms.

According to Moshe David Herr's estimation, one-third of the Jewish population in Judaea perished during the revolt. This figure encompasses those who died in battles with the Romans, during intra-Jewish civil strife, and in massacres perpetrated by gentiles in mixed cities. Additionally, victims succumbed to famine and epidemics, particularly in Jerusalem during its long siege. About another tenth of the Jewish population in Judaea was captured by the Romans, and their fate was often tragic, with many enduring harsh treatment, execution, or forced labor. Strong young men were compelled to serve as gladiators in stadiums and circuses across the empire, while others were sent to brothels or sold as slaves.

The social ramifications of the war were profound, leading to the complete disappearance or loss of status of entire social strata. The most impacted were the classes closely associated with Jerusalem and the Temple. The aristocratic oligarchy, consisting of the families of the High Priesthood and their affiliates, who wielded significant political, social, and economic influence and amassed great wealth, suffered a total collapse. Despite the heavy losses and the destruction of the Temple, Jewish life continued to thrive in Judea. However, continuing dissatisfaction with Roman rule eventually led to the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132–136, which appears to have resulted in the destruction and depopulation of Judea proper.

Moshe and David Aberbach argued that following the suppression of the revolt, the Jews, "largely deprived of the territorial, social and political bases of their nationalism", were forced to "base their identity and hopes of survival not on political but on cultural and moral power." The revolt affected Judaea's economic and social environment, as well as, to a lesser extent, the Jewish world at large. With the influx of pilgrims and wealth from the Roman and Parthian Empires, which concentrated vast wealth in Jerusalem, the Second Temple had developed into a massive economy by the first century, but the destruction of the city and the temple brought this to an end. Additionally, according to Josephus and other scholars, the Romans confiscated and auctioned off all Jewish land or all land held by Jews who had participated in the insurrection.

Jerusalem

A pile of stones thrown by Roman legionaries during the siege of Jerusalem, located below the Temple Mount's Western Wall, today within the Jerusalem Archaeological Park

Archaeological findings in Jerusalem's 'Burnt House': Remains of a spear and the forearm bones of a 25-year-old woman found in the ruins of an exquisite priestly mansion destroyed by fire, 70 CE

During the war, Jerusalem—praised by Pliny the Elder in the 70s as "by far the most famous city of the East and not of Judaea only"—was utterly destroyed, as confirmed by both historical accounts and archaeological findings. Josephus claims that 1,100,000 people were killed during the siege of Jerusalem, 97,000 were captured and enslaved, and many others fled to areas around the Mediterranean. A significant portion of the deaths was from illnesses and hunger brought about by the Romans. "A pestilential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly."

Roman historian Tacitus, when describing the siege of Jerusalem, reports "We have heard that the total number of the besieged of every age and both sexes was six hundred thousand. [...] Both men and women showed the same determination; and if they were to be forced to change their home, they feared life more than death", which indicates that the besieged believed that those who survived the siege would be displaced.

Seth Schwartz writes that it is unlikely that many Jews survived in Jerusalem or the surrounding area. Many of the Jewish rebels were scattered or sold into slavery. He refutes Josephus' estimates of a death toll of 1.1 million as implausible. According to his calculations, the total population of Judea at that time was around 1 million, with approximately half being Jews. Moreover, he points out that sizeable Jewish communities continued to exist in the region even after the war, including in Judea, despite the severe damages incurred. According to Schwartz, the reported figure of 97,000 captives taken during the war is much more reliable. This would suggest that a sizeable segment of the population was either driven out of the country or, at the very least, displaced.

In the diaspora

After the revolt, Roman authorities intensified their efforts to quell any potential uprisings in Jewish diaspora communities, targeting individuals deemed as troublemakers in Egypt and Cyrene. According to Josephus, a group of sicarii fled to these regions, where they attempted to incite Jewish rebellion by urging loyalty to God alone as Lord and refused to acknowledge Caesar as "lord" even under torture. In 72 CE, the Jewish temple at Leontopolis—founded two centuries earlier by Onias IV following the loss of his high priesthood in Jerusalem—was closed by the Roman authorities.

After the fall of Jerusalem, Titus "funded expensive spectacles and used Jewish captives as a display of their own destruction" in southern Syria and Judaea. According to Nathanael Andrade, these events served to unify the ethnically and culturally diverse populations of Greek cities, while simultaneously marginalizing Jews, who were perceived as a threat to the Greek way of life. Additionally, these spectacles led Greeks to view the Romans as their defenders against Jewish uprising.

Upon arriving in Antioch after his victory in Jerusalem, Titus faced a crowd demanding the expulsion of Jews. He refused their request when he appeared before them in the theater. The crowd then asked for the removal of the Jewish privileges from public inscriptions, but Titus declined once more.

Glen Bowersock writes that the aftermath of the revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem brought Jews to the Arabian Peninsula, leading to the establishment of settlements in southern Yemen, along the coast of Ḥaḍramawt, and most notably in the northwestern Ḥijāz, particularly in Yathrib (later Medina), where they became prominent representatives of monotheism in pre-Islamic Arabia.

Imposition of the Jewish Tax

Following the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple, the Romans imposed a new tax, the Fiscus Judaicus, on all Jews across the Empire. This tax required Jews to pay an annual sum of two drachmas, replacing the half-shekel previously donated to the Temple. The funds were redirected to the rebuilding and maintenance of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome. Over time, the tax evolved into a broader levy on Jews, implicitly holding all Jews—whether in Judea or the diaspora—responsible for the revolt, even though most had no role in the conflict. Under Domitian, the enforcement of the tax became even more severe, as noted by Suetonius. Evidence of the Fiscus Judaicus is preserved in receipts found in Egypt, with records dating from 70 CE to 116 CE. The tax ceased in Egypt during the Diaspora Revolt, which resulted in widespread suppression and the near-total annihilation of Egyptian Jewry.

Establishment of Roman garrisons and colonies

The ruins of Jerusalem were garrisoned by Legio X Fretensis, which remained stationed there for nearly two centuries. Along with the legion, the Roman forces included cavalry alae and infantry cohortes. This significant military presence prompted a change in the province’s administrative structure, requiring the appointment of a senatorial governor of ex-praetorian rank. Vespasian also settled 800 Roman veterans in Motza, which became a Roman settlement known as Colonia Amosa or Colonia Emmaus. He strengthened Roman control over the province by giving Caesarea colony status and Neapolis city status.

Religious developments

The destruction of the Temple marked a turning point in Judaism, ending the practice of sacrifice as a central component of Jewish religious life, and halting the line of High Priests. In the absence of the Temple, Judaism responded by more devoted observance to the commandments of the Torah, and by making the synagogue the center of Jewish life. Synagogues, which were present before the revolt, acquired prominence and replaced the Temple as a major meeting place for Jews, and rabbis took the place of high priests as the Jewish community's leaders. The rabbis filled the void of Jewish leadership in the aftermath of the Great Revolt and, through their literature and teachings, helped Judaism adapt in the absence of the Temple. Because of the rabbis' dominance after 70, the era is sometimes known as the "Rabbinic period".

The conventional understanding posits that the Essenes, whose settlement at Qumran was destroyed during the war, and the Sadducees, who were primarily composed of members from the Jerusalem aristocracy, might have ceased to exist after the revolt. Nevertheless, there are no direct sources explicitly confirming their disappearance, and hints in later rabbinic and patristic literature suggest the possibility of continued Jewish sectarianism, including Sadducee and Essene-related groups, in the following centuries.

According to rabbinic sources, Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai (Ribaz), a prominent Pharisaic sage, was smuggled out of besieged Jerusalem in a coffin by his students. After predicting Vespasian's rise to the throne, he sought and obtained permission from the future emperor to establish a rabbinic center in Yavne. While the specific details of Ben Zakkai's escape remain difficult to corroborate, the story bears some similarities to Josephus' account of his own escape and predictions, even though inconsistencies exist. Nonetheless, the writings of Josephus confirm the escape of several dignitaries from Jerusalem during the siege, making it plausible that Ben Zakkai was among them.

Under the leadership of Ribaz, Yavne emerged as a prominent rabbinic center where various enactments were issued to reshape Jewish life and adapt it to post-destruction reality. This allowed the development of an organized and authoritative system of rabbinic scholarship, which became the basis for the emergence of Rabbinic Judaism as the dominant form of Judaism in the centuries that followed. In keeping with Pharisaic beliefs, the Rabbinic approach emphasized the role of the oral tradition as a supplement to the written Torah, resulting in the development of the Mishnah (redacted in the early 3rd century) and later Talmud as primary sources of Jewish law and religious guidance. According to one theory, now largely discarded, a council at Yavneh also finalized the canon of the Hebrew Bible.

The religious reaction to the destruction was also evident through changes in halakhah (Jewish law), midrashim, and the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, all of which mention the agony of the temple's destruction.

Impact for Rome

The Triumph of Titus, painting by Lawrence Alma-Tadema, 1885

Vespasian's rise to power, following a period of civil conflict and lacking the prestige of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, made a victory over the Jews crucial for both securing Rome's glory and diverting attention from internal struggles. The Flavian dynasty he founded—continuing under his sons Titus and Domitian until the latter's death in 96 CE—leveraged this victory to solidify their claim to imperial rule.

In 71 CE, a year after the capture of Jerusalem, a triumph was held in Rome to mark the victory,—a unique event in Roman history, as it was the only triumph celebrating the subjugation of an existing province's population. Josephus's description of the triumph, found in Book VII of The Jewish War, provides the most detailed surviving account of any triumph from the Imperial period.

Rome's city center was transformed with monuments commemorating the victory, including two triumphal arches: the Arch of Titus on the Via Sacra, completed after Titus's death in 81 CE, and another at the Circus Maximus, finished earlier that same year. The spoils from Jerusalem's Temple, including the Temple menorah and the Table of Shewbread, were placed in the Temple of Peace, constructed by Vespasian in the early 70s. Dedicated to Pax, the Roman goddess of peace, this temple symbolized the restoration of peace across the Roman Empire. The revenues from the Fiscus Judaicus were used for the reconstruction of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. Additionally, the Colosseum, initiated by Vespasian and completed under Titus, was financed "ex manubi(i)s" (from the spoils of war), as noted in an inscription, implicitly tying its funding to the Jewish War.

The Flavian dynasty issued an extensive series of coins inscribed with the title Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered”), commemorating the conquest and subjugation of the province. This represented a rare instance of a provincial defeat being prominently celebrated in Roman coinage. Issued over a 10–12-year period, these coins played a significant role in the Flavian propaganda strategy across the empire. The obverse featured portraits of either Vespasian or, more commonly, Titus, while the reverse depicted symbolic imagery: a mourning woman, representing the Jewish people, seated beneath a date palm, emblematic of the province of Judaea. Variations included depictions of the woman as bound, kneeling, or blindfolded before Nike (or Victoria), the personification of victory. The Caesarea mint appears to have modified the imagery to reduce potential offense to the Jews of Judaea, omitting more provocative motifs such as a half-naked captive.

A Judaea Capta coin issued by Vespasian, depicting a bound captive and a mourning woman beneath a date palm, symbolizing the defeat of Judaea

The Flavian dynasty issued an extensive series of coins inscribed with the title Judaea Capta ("Judaea has been conquered”), commemorating the conquest and subjugation of the province. This marked a rare instance of provincial defeat being prominently celebrated in Roman coinage. These coins, with a run lasting 10–12 years, played a significant role in the Flavian propaganda strategy across the empire. The coins featured portraits of either Vespasian or Titus (the majority) on the obverse, while the reverse depicted symbolic imagery: a mourning woman, representing the Jewish people, seated beneath a date palm, emblematic of the province of Judaea. Variations in design included depictions of the woman as bound, kneeling, or blindfolded before Nike/Victoria, a personification of victory. Certain mints, such as Caesarea, adapted the imagery to reduce potential offense among the Jews of Judaea, excluding more provocative motifs like a half-naked captive.

According to Philostratus's Life of Apollonius, Titus refused to accept a wreath of victory offered by the groups neighboring Judaea, on the grounds that he had only been the instrument of divine wrath.

Later wars

The Great Revolt of Judea marked the beginning of the Jewish–Roman wars, which radically changed the eastern Mediterranean and had a crucial impact on the development of the Roman Empire and the Jews. Despite the defeat of the Great Revolt, tensions continued to build in the region.

In 115 CE, large-scale Jewish uprisings, known as the Diaspora Revolt, erupted almost simultaneously across several eastern provinces, including Cyprus, Egypt, Libya, and Mesopotamia, with limited activity in Judaea. The causes of the revolt are complex and uncertain, but they can be attributed to the destruction of the Temple and the imposition of the Jewish Tax following the First Jewish–Roman War. Refugees and traders from Judaea—including sicarii who fled to Egypt and Cyrenaica around 71 CE—are believed to have spread the ideas rooted in the First Revolt, as evidenced by the discovery of coinage from that revolt in these regions. The uprisings were marked by extreme violence and took two years for the Romans to suppress, resulting in heavy casualties and the near-total ethnic cleansing of Jewish communities in Cyprus, Egypt, and Libya.

The third and final conflict in the Jewish–Roman Wars, known as the Bar Kokhba revolt, erupted in Judaea in 132, concentrating in Judea proper and led by Simon bar Kokhba. The establishment of Aelia Capitolina, a Roman colony on the ruins of Jerusalem—an act described by Goodman as the "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness"—two years earlier, served as a direct catalyst. Initially successful, Bar Kokhba established a short-lived state and minted coins featuring symbols and slogans proclaiming Jewish independence, similar to those of the First Revolt. However, Roman forces under Emperor Hadrian eventually crushed the revolt. The result was a level of destruction and death described as a genocide of the Jews. Judea proper became depopulated of Jews, with many sold into slavery or fleeing to other areas around the Mediterranean. After the fall of the final stronghold at Betar and the death of Bar Kokhba around 135 CE, Hadrian's punishment included banning Jews from Jerusalem, enforcing laws that persecuted Jewish practices such as Shabbat observance and circumcision, and renaming the province from Judaea to Syria Palaestina. The revolt also sealed the fate of the Jerusalem Temple, preventing its rebuilding for the foreseeable future. Although Hadrian's death in 137 eased some restrictions and persecution of the Jews, the Jewish population of Judea had been greatly reduced.

Sources

The main primary source for the Jewish revolt is Josephus (c. 37–100 CE), born Yosef ben Mattityahu, a Jewish historian of priestly descent and a native of Jerusalem. Appointed commander of Galilee early in the war, he took refuge in a cave after the Siege of Yodfat in 67 CE, joining a suicide pact that he later abandoned when only one other participant remained alive. He surrendered to Vespasian, securing his life by prophesying Vespasian's rise to emperor. For two years, he remained a prisoner and witnessed many events firsthand. After Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by his legions, he recalled Josephus's prophecy and granted him freedom. After his release, Josephus joined Vespasian and Titus, traveling with them to Alexandria in late 69 and then returning with Titus to Judaea, where he witnessed the siege and destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple in 70 CE. In spring 71, he accompanied Titus to Rome, where he lived as a historian under imperial patronage and authored all of his works. He gained Roman citizenship, a pension, and land in Judaea, married multiple times, and had several children. Along with his citizenship, he received the name Flavius Josephus, reflecting the patron responsible for granting him Roman status.

Josephus's first work, and the primary account of the Jewish revolt, was The Jewish War, which he began writing shortly after the war ended and completed by the summer of 79 CE. Originally written in Aramaic, the seven-volume work was later translated into Greek with the help of associates. Josephus stated that he wrote the work to correct biased and inaccurate histories of the war that were circulating at the time. The work was, in part, a gesture of loyalty to Vespasian and his sons, Josephus' patrons. It served their political aims by portraying them in a favorable light. At the same time, while avoiding directly condemning Vespasian and Titus, he documents acts of brutality such as their killing of prisoners of war. Josephus used the text to present his actions and positions positively, engaging in self-praise while disparaging his opponents. The narrative minimizes the collective responsibility of the Jewish people for the revolt, attributing it instead to a rebellious minority, the corruption of Roman governors, and the workings of fate. Through this, Josephus delivered a message to the Romans, urging moderation in their response to the Jews, whom he portrayed as not inherently rebellious, while also warning Jews in both Judaea and the Diaspora against entertaining ideas of rebellion or vengeance against Rome. Josephus's second major work, Antiquities of the Jews, which he began in the 80s CE and completed by 93/94 CE, provides a comprehensive history of the Jewish people, covering their origins from creation up to the onset of the revolt. It serves as a complementary narrative to The Jewish War, offering a broader context to the events described in his first work.

Another work by Josephus relevant to the war is his later autobiographical text Life, written as a rebuttal to A History of the Jewish War by the Jewish historian Justus of Tiberias. The latter work, which survives only in quotes by Josephus, Eusebius and Jerome, was highly critical of Josephus' The Jewish War, prompting a sharp response from Josephus. In Life, Josephus defends himself against Justus's criticisms and provides a detailed account of his actions in Galilee during the revolt, allowing for comparisons with his earlier work and revealing differences in their portrayals of events. Other accounts of the revolts, though not as accurate as Josephus, come from the Histories of Tacitus, The Twelve Caesars of Suetonius and the Strategemata of Frontinus.

Another account of the revolt comes from a 4th-century chronicle written in Latin by an anonymous author, erroneously thought to be Hegesippus in the past and thus commonly referred to as Pseudo-Hegesippus. However, such work is usually seen as nothing more than a rewriting of The Jewish War of Josephus with blatant anti-Jewish and pro-Christian alterations, and is therefore dismissed as unreliable by scholars.

According to Fergus Millar, the revolt represents "the best-attested series of operations by the Roman army in the entire history of the Empire."

See also

Jewish–Roman wars

• Diaspora Revolt (115–117 CE)
  • Kitos War
• Bar Kokhba revolt (132–136 CE)

Later Jewish and Samaritan revolts

• Jewish revolt against Constantius Gallus (352)
• Samaritan revolts (484–572)
• Jewish revolt against Heraclius (614-617/625)

Related topics

• First Jewish Revolt coinage
• History of the Jews in Italy
• History of the Jews in the Roman Empire
• Josephus problem
• List of conflicts in the Near East
• List of Jewish civil wars
• Religious persecution in the Roman Empire
• Sicaricon (Jewish law)

Bibliography

Primary sources

• Cassius Dio. Roman History.
• Josephus. Life.
• Josephus. The Jewish War.
• Malalas, John. Chronicle.
• Pliny. Naturalis Historia.
• Suetonius. Vespasian.
• Tacitus. Histories.

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• Aviam, Mordechai (2002). "Yodefat/Jotapata: The archaeology of the first battle". In Berlin, Andrea M.; Overman, J. Andrew (eds.). The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History, and Ideology. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 121–133. ISBN 978-0-415-62024-6.
• Bahat, Dan (1999). "The Herodian Temple". In Horbury, William; Davies, W. D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Early Roman Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 38–58. ISBN 9781139053662.
• Belayche, Nicole (2001). Iudaea-Palaestina: The Pagan Cults in Roman Palestine (Second to Fourth Century). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ISBN 978-3-161-47153-7.
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• Clarysse, Willy (2021). "The Jewish Presence in Graeco-Roman Egypt: The Evidence of the Papyri since the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum". In Salvesen, Alison; Pearce, Sarah; Frenkel, Miriam (eds.). Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity. Vol. 110. Leiden & Boston: Brill. pp. 305–325. ISBN 978-90-04-43539-1.
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• Overman, J. Andrew (2002). "J. Andrew Overman". In Berlin, Andrea M.; Overman, J. Andrew (eds.). The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History, and Ideology. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 213–221. ISBN 978-0-415-62024-6.
• Pucci Ben Zeev, Miriam (2006). "The Uprisings in the Jewish Diaspora, 116–117". In Katz, Steven T. (ed.). The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 93–104. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521772488.005. ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8.
• Rogers, Guy MacLean (2022). For the Freedom of Zion: The Great Revolt of Jews against Romans, 66–74 CE. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-24813-5.
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• Smallwood, E. Mary (1976). "The Jewish Revolt of AD 115–117". The Jews under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian. SBL Press. pp. 389–427. doi:10.1163/9789004502048_023. ISBN 978-90-04-50204-8.
• Smallwood, E. Mary (1999). "The Diaspora in the Roman period before CE 70". In Horbury, William; Davies, W. D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Early Roman Period. The Cambridge History of Judaism. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 168–191. ISBN 9781139053662.
• Syon, Danny (2002). "Gamla: City of refuge". In Berlin, Andrea M.; Overman, J. Andrew (eds.). The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History, and Ideology. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 134–153. ISBN 978-0-415-62024-6.
• Taylor, Joan E. (2012). The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-199-55448-5.

Further reading

• Popović, Mladen. 2011. The Jewish Revolt Against Rome: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Leiden: Brill.
• Price, Jonathan J. 1992. Jerusalem under Siege: The Collapse of the Jewish State, 66–70 AD. Brill's Series in Jewish Studies 3. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
• Rajak, Tessa. 1983. Josephus: The Historian and His Society. London: Duckworth.
• Reeder, Caryn A. 2015. "Gender, War, and Josephus." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1: 65–85.
• ———. 2017. "Wartime Rape, the Romans, and the First Jewish Revolt." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 3: 363–85.
• Spilsbury, Paul. 2003. "Flavius Josephus on the Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire." The Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 1: 1–24.
• Tuval, Michael. 2013. From Jerusalem Priest to Roman Jew: On Josephus and the Paradigms of Ancient Judaism. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.

External links

• Works related to The War of the Jews at Wikisource
• Media related to First Jewish-Roman War at Wikimedia Commons
• In Depth Lecture on the First Roman-Jewish War and Destruction of the 2nd Tempe Thinktorah.org